Tuesday, May 22, 2007

Stories we tell ourselves

NYT has a pretty good article on narratives or the life stories that we tell ourselves to make some sense of our lives. Each of us conjures the disparate experiences that we have had into a coherent narrative or life story of who we are, how we have become like that and where we are headed for.

Narratives are on often ignored aspect of psychology an not much research is done on them, though they are very essential for us and are important in that they give us a framework in which we reconstruct our memories or think about the future.

The article mentions the work of Dr McAdams with narratives and having some types of narratives affect future outcomes. I'll just quote from the article:

In analyzing the texts, the researchers found strong correlations between the content of people’s current lives and the stories they tell. Those with mood problems have many good memories, but these scenes are usually tainted by some dark detail. The pride of college graduation is spoiled when a friend makes a cutting remark. The wedding party was wonderful until the best man collapsed from drink. A note of disappointment seems to close each narrative phrase.

By contrast, so-called generative adults — those who score highly on tests measuring civic-mindedness, and who are likely to be energetic and involved — tend to see many of the events in their life in the reverse order, as linked by themes of redemption. They flunked sixth grade but met a wonderful counselor and made honor roll in seventh. They were laid low by divorce, only to meet a wonderful new partner. Often, too, they say they felt singled out from very early in life — protected, even as others nearby suffered.

The article also mentions the work of Dr Adler, that links the psychotherapeutic outcomes with the life stories people tell about themselves.

At some level, talk therapy has always been an exercise in replaying and reinterpreting each person’s unique life story. Yet Mr. Adler found that in fact those former patients who scored highest on measures of well-being — who had recovered, by standard measures — told very similar tales about their experiences.

They described their problem, whether depression or an eating disorder, as coming on suddenly, as if out of nowhere. They characterized their difficulty as if it were an outside enemy, often giving it a name (the black dog, the walk of shame). And eventually they conquered it.

“The story is one of victorious battle: ‘I ended therapy because I could overcome this on my own,’ ” Mr. Adler said. Those in the study who scored lower on measures of psychological well-being were more likely to see their moods and behavior problems as a part of their own character, rather than as a villain to be defeated. To them, therapy was part of a continuing adaptation, not a decisive battle.

Lastly, the article touches upon researches that show that manipulating the retrieval of memories in third person vis-a-vis in the first person leads to better outcomes as oneses oneself as better adjusted after third person recall of significant life events.

Two clear differences emerged. Those who replayed the scene in the third person rated themselves as having changed significantly since high school — much more so than the first-person group did. The third-person perspective allowed people to reflect on the meaning of their social miscues, the authors suggest, and thus to perceive more psychological growth.

The recordings showed that members of the third-person group were much more sociable than the others. “They were more likely to initiate a conversation, after having perceived themselves as more changed,” said Lisa Libby, the lead author and a psychologist at Ohio State University. She added, “We think that feeling you have changed frees you up to behave as if you have; you think, ‘Wow, I’ve really made some progress’ and it gives you some real momentum.”

I would love to hear of more literature in this area.

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Moral Reasoning: two competing processes for intention and outcome identified

In a recent study, by Young, Hauser et al at the Harvard University, the authors tried to experimentally determine whether there is an interaction between intention or belief regarding an action vis-a-vis the actual outcome of the action. For this they used fMRI scans in a 2x2 study involving (negative and neutral) beliefs versus (negative and neutral) outcomes wherein their could be four combination : (competent criminal) intent to harm plus actual harm; (incompetent criminal) intent to harm but no actual harm; (accidental harm) no intent to harm but actual harm and lastly (harmless act) neither intention to harm nor any actual harm. The figure below clarifies this in further detail using an example scenario that was presented to the participants and the participants asked to judge whether the conduct was proper or not and to judge the protagonist's action on a scale of 1..5 regarding whether it was morally permissible or not.




Before I proceed further I'll like to quote from the introduction :

In the common law tradition, criminal conviction depends on both a harmful consequence (actus reus) and the intent to harm (mens rea) . In violation of this foundational legal principle, however, are crimes of attempt. The incompetent criminal, for instance, who believes he has poisoned his victim but has instead administered only a harmless substance, can be convicted in a court of law. This poses a challenge to the philosophy of law: is the basis of criminality an act that causes harm, or an act undertaken with the belief that one will cause harm? We pursue a novel approach to this question based on the burgeoning research into the neurocognitive mechanisms of moral judgment, much of which has emphasized the role of multiple interacting systems . Specifically, we suggest that the apparent philosophical conflict between actus reus and crimes of attempt reflects the operation and integration of distinct mechanisms responsible for the processing of information about consequences and beliefs in the service of moral judgment.


To sum up the papers' findings:

1. They referred to earlier developmental results in children and adults that suggest that children form moral judgments on the basis of outcomes (they will condemn a negative act even if the intention was neutral or even positive) while in adults intention along with outcomes is taken into consideration to form moral judgments.

From a developmental perspective, integrating information about mental states and outcomes presents a particular challenge for young children. When moral scenarios present conflicting information about the outcome of an action and the intention of the actor, young children's moral judgments and justifications are determined by the action's outcome rather than the actor's intention . For example, a person who intends to direct a traveler to the right location but accidentally misdirects him is judged by young children to be "naughtier" than a person who intends to misdirect a passerby but accidentally directs him to the right place . As children mature, they become progressively more likely to make the opposite judgment . Although subsequent research has revealed that young children can use information about intentions to make moral distinctions when consequences are held constant between scenarios , older children have consistently shown greater sensitivity to information about intentions. What develops then is not just "theory of mind," or the ability to represent the mental states of others, but the ability to integrate this information with information about consequences in the context of moral judgment . Developmental evidence thus suggests that mature moral judgments depend crucially on the cognitive processes responsible for representing and integrating information about beliefs and outcomes.

2. They found using fMRI scans that the Right temporo-parietal Junction (RTPJ) was differentially engaged during the above four cases or combinations of intent and outcome. In particular RTPJ showed maximum activation in cases of attempted harm wherein intention to harm was present but the outcome was still positive. The participants condemned the action despite there be no actual harm and this was reflected in higher activations of RTPJ. It is instructive to note the RTPJ is responsible for belief attributions. Thus, this suggests that there are independent moral judgment functions- one dependent on actions and the other on outcomes.


At the broadest level, the results of the current study suggest that moral judgments depend on the cognitive processes mediated by the RTPJ, previously associated with belief attribution, and, to a lesser extent, the PC, LTPJ, and MPFC, which compose a network of brain regions implicated in theory of mind. Specifically, the results reveal significantly above-baseline activation of the RTPJ for all four conditions (intentional harm, attempted harm, unknowing harm, and all-neutral), highlighting the role of belief attribution during moral judgment. Importantly, however, brain regions involved in belief attribution were not recruited indiscriminately across conditions. In particular, we found a selective increase in the response for the case of attempted harm, in which the protagonist believed that he would harm someone but in fact did not. The differential neural response between experimental conditions suggests an unequal contribution of belief attribution to moral judgment depending not only on what the protagonist believes, as might be expected, but also on the consequences of the protagonist's behavior. This result offers a new perspective on the integration of information about beliefs and consequences in moral judgment, the focus of our discussion.


3. They found that accidental harm (unlucky innocents) did not recruit the same brain areas (RTPJ) to that large an extent as attempted harm (incompetent criminal). This was despite the protagonists being judged harsher in accidental harm condition vis-a-vis the neutral case (no bad intention and no actual harm). This suggests that another independent moral judgment function is active and which relies on outcome assessment.

The behavioral data suggest that, across conditions, moral judgment is determined primarily by belief information, consistent with the robust RTPJ response for all four conditions. An interesting asymmetry emerged, however, for cases in which belief and outcome information were in conflict, as in situations of attempted harm and unknowing harm. We found that subjects' moral judgments were determined solely by belief in the case of attempted harm but not unknowing harm. That is, attempted harm (e.g., putting sugar in a friend's coffee believing it to be poison) was judged fully forbidden, just as though the protagonist had successfully produced the negative outcome of the friend's death. By contrast, moral judgment of unknowing harm appeared to depend on both the outcome of the action and on the belief state of the actor. Unknowing harm (e.g., putting poison in a friend's coffee believing it to be sugar) was not judged fully permissible, as compared with the all-neutral condition, in which the protagonist held a neutral belief and produced a neutral outcome.

I find this exciting because I have blogged about this previously in my posts relating to Universal Moral Grammar. In particular I had speculated on there being an Intention predicate, an Action Predicate and a Outcome or Consequence predicate that form this moral grammar. These predicates would each be evaluated separately and independent of each other and their combination would lead to different moral judgments. It is exciting to see that two independent processes related to Intention and Outcome predicate , along with their neural correlates have already been identified. It would only be some time soon that people would also start finding that the nature of the Action undertaken also affects the Moral Judgment to a great extent. The case I can think is that instead of putting poison in the coffee, let us say that the death method was more violent and gory (cutting the throat very slowly while the person is bound). Although the outcome is same, the nature of action would differentially affect the judgments we have towards the protagonists. I would love to see further studies in this direction.

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Friday, May 18, 2007

Mouse Trap's First Blogiversary

Due to some unavoidable business (I have to keep my day job to be able to blog to my heart's pleasure) I have not been regular in writing posts and I apologize to the regular readers of the blog for the same.

This small post is just to commemorate the first blogiversay of The Mouse Trap. I hope yopu have enjoyed the journey so far and would continue patronising this blog.

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Tuesday, April 10, 2007

The contextual effects on eating

As per a new study, by Cornell researchers Brian Wansink et al, people can be induced to eat less, if leftovers are left unbused at their tables and in their full view. It is hypothesized that the leftovers serve as reminders of how much a person has already eaten and thus lead to less consumption. The consumption difference varied by as much as 27% between those whose tables had been bused and those whose hadn't.

This is an interesting study with practical implication for those keen on limiting their eating/ drinking . Prof Brian proposes that each drink be served in a new disposable glass and the used glass stacked inf front of the drinker, to limit consumption.

I recall that the same group had done some clever experiments earlier, involving 'bottomless soup bowls', that demonstrated that people consumed significantly greater amount of soup, when their soup bowls were filled without their knowledge. All these experiments demonstrate the power of situation/ context to determine our eating and drinking behavior. Being aware of this may help us overcome our natural biases and tendencies, although on the other hand these may be used by the restaurant owners to induce us to eat more than warranted. From now on , if you are on a dieting schedule, go to a restaurant whose service is poor and who leave tables unbused with leftovers visible!

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Encephalon #20 is online now!

Catch your latest edition of Encephalon at the Nurontic blog. Orli does a good job of presenting posts as varied as reporting on an inverse relation between neurogenesis and working memory to speculation on how one may replicate one's consciousness in a machine.

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Thursday, March 29, 2007

Yellow - Off, Blue - On: A new neural code that could help epileptics

While there has been some work on a light therapy for Bipolar disorder, and specifically limiting exposure to blue light to keep the circadian clock in check; this time the effects of blue and yellow pulses of light , deep inside the brain, as investigated by an MIT team, have resulted in a promising treatment for epilepsy.

Epilepsy, as we all know , is caused by excitation of neurons at a focal point and the subsequent spreading of that activation, so that all or a majority of neurons get excited at the same time. The normal treatment , in case the epileptic fits become life threatening, is neurosurgery, or removing the brain area around the focal point.

This research has focused on the effects of yellow pulses of light, inside the brain , on neurons engineered to express the halorhodopsin gene, a gene that responds to yellow light by opening the chloride ion channels. This results in a hyperpolarisation of the cell and thus ensures that the neuron doesn't fire easily. I believe they have performed the experiments in laboratory cultures (in vitro) and plan to replicate on transgenic mice containing this gene, so it is a long haul from here to some actual treatment options for epileptics. Still the possible applications are fascinating:

Many epilepsy patients have implanted electrodes that periodically give their brains an electric jolt, acting as a defibrillator to shut down overactive neurons. This new research opens up the possibility of an optical implant that could do the same thing, using light instead of electricity. The Media Lab neuroengineering group plans to start studying such devices in transgenic mice this year.


Thus we have a radically new treatment option for epilepsy. It is also pertinent to note that the same group had earlier identified a mechanism whereby blue pulses of light could lead to excitation of the brain. thus, with appropriate implants in the brain, one can , using light, control the excitation and inhibition of neuronal circuits. What advantages these offer over traditional electrode implants needs to be seen.

The group also plans to use the new method to study neural circuits. Last year, Boyden devised a technique to stimulate neurons by shining blue light on them, so with blue and yellow light the researchers can now exert exquisite control over the stimulation and inhibition of individual neurons.


Lets hope they succeed in their efforts, not only to help epileptics with non-surgical treatments, but also to more deeply 'see' the neural circuits and the neural codes.


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Beware of the mouse who knows when it is in a trap (or den or nest or bed)

We all know that even a mouse is a tiger in its own den. But for that mouse to become a tiger it must have an awareness of when it is in a den and when it is'nt. Till now, knowledge of abstract concepts like a den or a nest or a bed or a mouse-trap were limited to humans and higher primates. Mice, being such lowly creatures, were not supposed to have abstract concepts and though they may remember a particular den or nest as their own, when placed in a new nest they would supposedly be not aware that the enclosure/ furniture can serve as a nest. To put things simply, they were not supposed to identify objects based on their functionality. If one changed the shape or size of the nest, or the construction material, then they were supposed to get confused and would have not able to still identify the object as a nest or a bed.

All that has become history now, with a new study (pdf) that clearly demonstrates that the mice have abstract concepts in their mind and that specific neurons in the hippocampal area fire when the mouse is in a bed or is entering / exploring one. We already know that we have place cells in hippocampus that fire when a mouse is in a particular location in space and that these are tied to episodic memory. Hippocampus has also been involved in learning mechanisms and it is only appropriate that we discover concept cells in hippocampus that fire when different concepts like bed/ nest/ trap are encountered. And of course we also know of Halle Barre neurons in fusiform gyrus that fire when viewing a particular face.

In this study,the authors found that there were three kind of cells in the CA1 region of the hippocampus, that had distinct firing patterns related to the concept of nests. Whenever a mouse encountered a nest , the transient-on class would increase their rate of firing. If the mouse was not facing the nest, then these cells would not fire; only when the mouse was facing and about to enter the nest were these neurons firing. The second group of neurons were the persistent-on ones, which would fire at a very high rate once the mouse was in the nest and would continue to do so till the time the mouse left the nest. The third type were juts the opposite of these - the persistent- off ones that ceased their normal firing rate, once the mouse entered the nest. Perhaps the rat have not only a concept of nest , but also of not-nest. The base firing of the persistent-off neurons may be a signaling mechanism within the mice brains to indicate that the mice is not in a potentially homely place.

You can read more about the study at the Neurophilosopher (and there you'll also find a great video of a mouse in the study exploring the nest, along with firing neurons) , but what I am amazed is that inst it logical then that the mice also have a concept of a trap - a potentially dangerous enclosure. And whatever variations we may make, isn't it evident that just like we can recognize a trap in its various guises, the mice too can. Making them of wood or metal or of different sizes should not matter. Thus, if the mouse has been exposed to a trap once, there is no use trying to lure it in trap of different type? But maybe I'm just being pessimistic; maybe the lesson we can draw from this study is to make the traps similar to their 'nests', so that they are comfortable and eager to enter in the trap. At long last a study that leads to better mouse traps!


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Wednesday, March 28, 2007

Depression, Neurogenesis and Spatial navigation

We all know that hippocampus is the seat of both memory as well as spatial abilities (cognitive map theory). We also know that most of the neurogeneisis in adult humans happens in hippocmapus. We also know that depression is caused by stress and both stress and depression lead to or are correlated with reduced neurogeneisis in the hippocmapus (my learning helplessness theory of depression) .

Now a new study has found that depressed people have impaired spatial navigation abilities. Putting 2 and 2 together it is highly plausible that this relationship between depression and impaired spatial navigation is mediated by the reduced neurogeneies or atrophy in hippocampus.

Relatedly, a good article (pdf) regarding how new anti-depressants are targeting neurogenesis in hippocampus as a mechanism to alleviate depression.

Three cheers to the cognitive map theory- the focus with which this blog started!!

Hat Tip: BPS Research Digest

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